A premise. The distinguishing feature of so-called "Second Republic" (another mystifying term that deserves a separate discussion) is the personalization of politics. The role of parties, fattisi unstable and transient, has quickly faded: in contrast, has acquired an unprecedented prior to the appearance of individual characters. Berlusconi is not the inventor of this phenomenon, although he understood it before and better than others. We owe him something else, namely the interpretation of the role of leader in key openly emotional. The evidence in reply are many. Applies to all the choir "Thank goodness for Silvio", sung by so many adoring fans and supporters, a small ritual of devotion to the head would be unthinkable in other seasons of republican history.
not have to be specialists in psychology social knowledge that any show of success and popularity - no matter what result - effect ambivalent: on the one hand, the positive contagion, the other, the hostile reaction. Moreover, the first measure of the attacker given Berlusconi after his rash act (as he promptly noted the sociologist Guido Martinotti) was not "Down with the tyrant" or "Long live freedom", but "I am better than him" : and that is enough to conclude that Massimo Tartaglia belongs to the kind of Mark David Chapman (the murderess of John Lennon), not to that of Lee Harvey Oswald or Gaetano Brescia (killers, respectively, by John Kennedy and Umberto I). But the right has sought to take maximum political advantage from the episode can, without hesitation and without scruples. Hence the campaign to denounce hatred, the more noisy and gesticulating as self-serving and manipulative.
Mind. It is not to be missing in a part of Italian public opinion, feelings of aversion towards Berlusconi: it would be amazing otherwise. The mystification is nell'accomunarli in the category of hate, that is blind and destructive hostility, ill will that would be produced, envy, fanaticism which is equivalent to brand all of avversino intriguers Berlusconi as troublemakers, the enemies of peace and the public good.
Now, why can not love Berlusconi are varied. There is, for example, who, having no particular interest in politics, try simply intolerance of a man vain and full of himself, which often takes vulgar or inappropriate behavior (without ever having felt no temptation to pull his against a miniature of the Cathedral or the Coliseum). But the sentiment that animates the main part of the country - still, unfortunately, a minority - which circumvents Berlusconi è un altro. Non una generica, epidermica antipatia, né l’odio gratuito e malvagio che le imputa la propaganda governativa: bensì l’indignazione.
Anche l’indignazione, come l’odio, implica un risentimento profondo. Anche l’indignazione si può a volte intrecciare con la collera fino ad assumere il carattere di un’impazienza esacerbata, di una furiosa esasperazione. Ma a differenza dell’odio, che riguarda soltanto la sfera affettiva (e che quindi può nascere anche da un’istintiva e scomposta aggressività), l’indignazione ha origine da un giudizio critico. There is outrage at speeches, actions, behaviors that are judged as appropriate, inappropriate, unfair, outrageous, and therefore worthy of condemnation vibrant and strong condemnation. From this point of view, the capacity for indignation is an absolutely essential and indispensable component of civic virtue. A nation that speaks the language of Dante Alighieri should never forget it.
Here, in summary, the project announced that Berlusconi has the right to get an advantage early warp from the aggression of the Piazza del Duomo: erase the difference between the outrage (justified and defensible ) hatred (visceral and malignant). Abolish a category of proceedings in the engulfing emotional. An instructive experiment in linguistic simplification, as well as politics: a fine example of what George Orwell called "Newspeak."
To counter this plan does not need to reread the Comedy or 1984 (which also always recommended). Just a little 'memory: just do not forget the facts that go back to yesterday or the day before yesterday. An example. Just over three months ago mid-September 2009 - six Italian soldiers were killed in an attack in Kabul. Followed unanime condanna da parte delle forze poltiche, senza differenza tra maggioranza e opposizione. Dieci giorni dopo, a Milano, durante il comizio di chiusura della festa del suo partito, Berlusconi inveì contro “l’opposizione che inneggia a meno sei”, senza dire che quel “meno sei” (inqualificabile, certo) altro non era che una scritta vista su un muro. “Vergogna! Vergogna! Vergogna!” vociò Silvio dal palco, tra la folla in delirio: e le parole risuonarono nei notiziari della sera, alla radio e in tv. Prove tecniche del Partito dell’Amore, probabilmente.
Seguirono il giorno appresso, come da copione, le usuali postille e le pallide palinodie dei portavoce. Ma ecco: l’indignazione suscitata da quelle esecrabili parole non aveva proprio nulla a che vedere con l’odio. Era, al contrario, un bene prezioso, necessario a un’autentica concordia nazionale. Speriamo di riuscire a preservarlo; nel nuovo anno, e nei prossimi.
Mario Barenghi - Calco
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